Indirect evidence and the poverty of the stimulus: The case of anaphoric one

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dc.contributor.authorForaker, S.
dc.contributor.authorRegier, T.
dc.contributor.authorKhetarpal, N.
dc.contributor.authorPerfors, A.
dc.contributor.authorTenenbaum, J.
dc.date.issued2009
dc.description.abstractIt is widely held that children’s linguistic input underdetermines the correct grammar, and that language learning must therefore be guided by innate linguistic constraints. Here, we show that a Bayesian model can learn a standard poverty-of-stimulus example, anaphoric one, from realistic input by relying on indirect evidence, without a linguistic constraint assumed to be necessary. Our demonstration does, however, assume other linguistic knowledge; thus, we reduce the problem of learning anaphoric one to that of learning this other knowledge. We discuss whether this other knowledge may itself be acquired without linguistic constraints.
dc.description.statementofresponsibilityStephani Foraker, Terry Regier, Naveen Khetarpal, Amy Perfors and Joshua Tenenbaum
dc.identifier.citationCognitive Science, 2009; 33(2):287-300
dc.identifier.doi10.1111/j.1551-6709.2009.01014.x
dc.identifier.issn0364-0213
dc.identifier.issn1551-6709
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/2440/66875
dc.language.isoen
dc.publisherElsevier Science Inc
dc.rightsCopyright (c) 2009 Cognitive Science Society, Inc. (c) John Wiley & Sons, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
dc.source.urihttps://doi.org/10.1111/j.1551-6709.2009.01014.x
dc.subjectLanguage acquisition
dc.subjectPoverty of the stimulus
dc.subjectIndirect evidence
dc.subjectBayesian learning
dc.subjectSyntax
dc.subjectAnaphora
dc.titleIndirect evidence and the poverty of the stimulus: The case of anaphoric one
dc.typeJournal article
pubs.publication-statusPublished

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